Referred to the House Committee on the Judiciary.
This bill establishes a pilot grant program, run by the Director of the Office on Violence Against Women, to fund eligible consortia that pair technical institutions or private/public technical partners with domestic violence or sexual violence centers to address technological abuse in intimate partner violence cases. Grants for the pilot may be up to $2,000,000 each, with no more than 15 awards and a pilot period that ends five years after the first award.
Funding and appropriations: liberals and centrists are comfortable with grants and pilot testing; conservatives are more concerned about open-ended authorizations and want specific caps or appropriations control.
Relative to its intended legislative type, this bill is a clearly focused substantive policy measure that establishes grant authorities for a pilot program and an education grant program to address technological abuse.
This bill establishes a pilot grant program, run by the Director of the Office on Violence Against Women, to fund eligible consortia that pair technical institutions or private/public technical partners with domestic violence or sexual violence centers to address technological abuse in intimate partner violence cases.
Grants for the pilot may be up to $2,000,000 each, with no more than 15 awards and a pilot period that ends five years after the first award.
The bill also authorizes a separate grant program (totaling up to $20,000,000 over five years) for nonprofits and institutions of higher education to develop training, curricula, tools, and technical assistance on technological abuse.
On content alone the bill is a narrowly targeted, administratively straightforward grant program addressing a widely acknowledged public safety problem and includes pilot/sunset and evaluation features that reduce long‑term commitments—characteristics that favor enactment. Remaining barriers are typical legislative hurdles: securing appropriations, negotiating any amendments, and procedural steps in the Senate.
Relative to its intended legislative type, this bill is a clearly focused substantive policy measure that establishes grant authorities for a pilot program and an education grant program to address technological abuse. It contains clear problem statement, definitional integration with existing law, and some statutory limits on grants and durations.
Funding and appropriations: liberals and centrists are comfortable with grants and pilot testing; conservatives are more concerned about open-ended authorizations and want specific caps or appropriations control.
These are examples from the analysis, not a ranked list of the most-affected groups.
Funding and appropriations: liberals and centrists are comfortable with grants and pilot testing; conservatives are more concerned about open-ended authorizations and want specific caps or appropriations control.
A mainstream liberal would likely view the bill favorably as a targeted federal response to a clearly documented harm—technology-enabled abuse—that disproportionately affects women and LGBTQ+ people.
They would appreciate the emphasis on survivor support, integration of technical expertise with victim service providers, and funding for devices, curricula, and training.
They may want stronger guarantees about equitable geographic and demographic reach, data privacy and survivor control over information, and robust funding rather than vague "such sums as necessary." Overall, they would see this as an appropriate use of federal power to protect civil rights and public safety for vulnerable populations.
A centrist would likely view the bill as a narrowly targeted, pragmatic pilot to address a documented problem with technology-enabled abuse.
They would appreciate the pilot structure, interagency consultation, and evaluation requirements that allow Congress to judge effectiveness before broader commitments.
They would have pragmatic concerns about fiscal discipline, measurable outcomes, and fair competition for grants, and would want to ensure the pilot does not duplicate existing federal programs.
A mainstream conservative would likely be sympathetic to the goal of protecting victims of domestic and sexual violence but cautious about expanding federal programs and spending without clear constraints.
They may support targeted pilot projects that partner with local organizations and universities, but will be concerned about open-ended authorizations, potential mission creep, and whether the federal government is best positioned to fund devices or technical services.
They may also raise questions about oversight, possible First Amendment or privacy implications if the program involves online content removal or monitoring, and whether state and local entities should take the lead.
Reached or meaningfully advanced
Reached or meaningfully advanced
Still ahead
Still ahead
Still ahead
On content alone the bill is a narrowly targeted, administratively straightforward grant program addressing a widely acknowledged public safety problem and includes pilot/sunset and evaluation features that reduce long‑term commitments—characteristics that favor enactment. Remaining barriers are typical legislative hurdles: securing appropriations, negotiating any amendments, and procedural steps in the Senate.
The bill has not accumulated any surfaced votes yet.
Funding and appropriations: liberals and centrists are comfortable with grants and pilot testing; conservatives are more concerned about op…
On content alone the bill is a narrowly targeted, administratively straightforward grant program addressing a widely acknowledged public sa…
Relative to its intended legislative type, this bill is a clearly focused substantive policy measure that establishes grant authorities for a pilot program and an education grant program to address technological abuse.…
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