- Local governmentsProvides standardized, publicly available scientific maps and projections that improve planning by federal, state, loca…
- Potential benefitEnables more targeted infrastructure investment and resilience measures (roads, utilities, sewage systems, water suppli…
- Potential benefitIdentifies public‑health risks (drinking water contamination, mobilized legacy pollutants) earlier, informing mitigatio…
Groundwater Rise and Infrastructure Preparedness Act of 2025
Referred to the House Committee on Natural Resources.
This bill requires the Director of the U.S. Geological Survey (USGS) to develop decadal maps of projected groundwater rise for all coastal areas of the continental United States through 2100, identify priority areas at increased risk, and publish the results on a public website. It authorizes $5 million for fiscal years 2025 and 2026 to carry out the mapping work.
Scale and urgency of federal investment: liberals want more funding and faster action; conservatives see any new federal expenditure as a potential problem.
Relative to its intended legislative type, this bill is a clearly framed study/reporting measure with concrete deliverables and assigned responsibilities, but it provides limited fiscal and operational detail for fully executing the ambitious nationwide mapping and subsequent two-phase studies.
This bill requires the Director of the U.S. Geological Survey (USGS) to develop decadal maps of projected groundwater rise for all coastal areas of the continental United States through 2100, identify priority areas at increased risk, and publish the results on a public website.
It authorizes $5 million for fiscal years 2025 and 2026 to carry out the mapping work.
After the mapping is complete, the USGS must seek an agreement with the National Academies to carry out a two-phase study on the impacts of groundwater rise on infrastructure (Phase I) and public health (Phase II), in consultation with NOAA, EPA, NIST, and other federal agencies.
Based solely on the bill text, this is a modest, technocratic bill authorizing low funding for mapping and an expert study — the kind of measure that often attracts bipartisan technical support and administrative buy‑in. Its limited fiscal footprint, reliance on scientific institutions, and absence of regulatory mandates make it reasonably likely to clear committees and gain floor consideration, though successful enactment still depends on legislative calendar, prioritization, and securing appropriations.
Relative to its intended legislative type, this bill is a clearly framed study/reporting measure with concrete deliverables and assigned responsibilities, but it provides limited fiscal and operational detail for fully executing the ambitious nationwide mapping and subsequent two-phase studies.
Scale and urgency of federal investment: liberals want more funding and faster action; conservatives see any new federal expenditure as a potential problem.
Who stands to gain, and who may push back.
These are examples from the analysis, not a ranked list of the most-affected groups.
- Federal agenciesThe bill authorizes only $5 million for mapping for two years but requires a National Academies two‑phase study and fol…
- Local governmentsPublication of risk maps could impose or precipitate new regulatory expectations, retrofits, or design standards for lo…
- HomebuyersIdentification of higher groundwater‑risk areas may lead to reduced property values, higher insurance premiums, or lend…
Why the argument around this bill splits.
Scale and urgency of federal investment: liberals want more funding and faster action; conservatives see any new federal expenditure as a potential problem.
Progressive-leaning observers would generally view this bill positively as a proactive, science-based federal response to a climate-driven infrastructure and environmental justice problem.
They would appreciate the focus on mapping, public data availability, and a National Academies study that explicitly examines health and contamination risks, because those can inform protective investments and regulatory actions.
They will likely see the bill as an important step toward protecting vulnerable coastal communities, but may worry the authorized funding is too small and that the bill lacks explicit requirements to address environmental justice or to fund mitigation once risks are identified.
A moderate observer would likely view this bill as a pragmatic, evidence-gathering measure that addresses an identifiable risk from sea-level rise without immediately imposing new regulations or major spending commitments.
They would appreciate the interagency consultations and use of the National Academies as a neutral technical partner to ensure credibility.
Centrists may seek clarity on costs, scope, and whether the authorized funding is adequate, but would generally favor the mapping and study as necessary groundwork for future policy choices.
A mainstream conservative view would be cautious but not uniformly opposed: some conservatives would accept scientific mapping and study as useful for infrastructure planning, while others would be skeptical of new federal spending and concerned about mission creep.
Key conservative concerns would include the bill’s authorization of federal funds (even if modest), the potential for study findings to be used to justify new regulations or mandates, and whether the federal government is duplicating state or private-sector work.
Because the bill is research- and study-focused rather than regulatory, many conservatives may reluctantly support the effort if safeguards are added to limit regulatory consequences and ensure state and local leadership.
The path through Congress.
Reached or meaningfully advanced
Reached or meaningfully advanced
Still ahead
Still ahead
Still ahead
Based solely on the bill text, this is a modest, technocratic bill authorizing low funding for mapping and an expert study — the kind of measure that often attracts bipartisan technical support and administrative buy‑in. Its limited fiscal footprint, reliance on scientific institutions, and absence of regulatory mandates make it reasonably likely to clear committees and gain floor consideration, though successful enactment still depends on legislative calendar, prioritization, and securing appropriations.
- Whether the authorized $5 million will be appropriated; authorization does not guarantee funding and additional appropriations may be required for the National Academies study.
- Potential overlap or duplication with ongoing federal or regional coastal mapping programs — coordination needs and possible jurisdictional questions could affect support or implementation.
Recent votes on the bill.
No vote history yet
The bill has not accumulated any surfaced votes yet.
Go deeper than the headline read.
Scale and urgency of federal investment: liberals want more funding and faster action; conservatives see any new federal expenditure as a p…
Based solely on the bill text, this is a modest, technocratic bill authorizing low funding for mapping and an expert study — the kind of me…
Relative to its intended legislative type, this bill is a clearly framed study/reporting measure with concrete deliverables and assigned responsibilities, but it provides limited fiscal and operational detail for fully…
Go beyond the headline summary with full stakeholder mapping, legislative design analysis, passage barriers, and lens-by-lens tradeoff breakdowns.