- Federal agenciesReduces the risk of government shutdowns and associated immediate disruptions by ensuring continuous, if reduced, fundi…
- Local governmentsProvides greater predictability and continuity for federal employees, contractors, beneficiaries (including many entitl…
- Potential benefitMay lower short-term economic and financial disruption and administrative costs tied to shutdowns (e.g., lost wages, co…
Government Shutdown Prevention Act of 2025
Referred to the House Committee on Appropriations.
The bill creates an automatic continuing appropriation mechanism in title 31, U.S. Code, that funds programs, projects, and activities at an automatic rate if Congress has not enacted regular appropriations for a fiscal year. The default funding rate is up to 94 percent of the prior year (or prior continuing resolution) for the first 90-day period, and then declines by 1 percentage point for each subsequent 90-day period; those reductions continue beyond the fiscal year until a regular appropriation or continuing resolution is enacted.
Extent of concern about the 94% baseline and the gradual 1% reductions: liberals worry about service cuts to vulnerable populations, conservatives worry it preserves too much spending and reduces leverage.
Relative to its intended legislative type, this bill is a substantive statutory change that is relatively specific in its core mechanism (automatic continuing appropriations with defined percentage rates and timed reductions) and integrates with existing appropriations law through explicit amendments and exceptions.
The bill creates an automatic continuing appropriation mechanism in title 31, U.S. Code, that funds programs, projects, and activities at an automatic rate if Congress has not enacted regular appropriations for a fiscal year.
The default funding rate is up to 94 percent of the prior year (or prior continuing resolution) for the first 90-day period, and then declines by 1 percentage point for each subsequent 90-day period; those reductions continue beyond the fiscal year until a regular appropriation or continuing resolution is enacted.
Mandatory programs and entitlements (and activities under the Food and Nutrition Act of 2008) are funded at levels needed to maintain program levels under current law and are therefore exempt from the percentage reductions.
The bill proposes a significant but administratively-specified reform to avoid shutdowns, an outcome that many lawmakers and constituencies find desirable; its phased reductions and carve-outs increase its practical acceptability. Nevertheless, it alters congressional budget leverage and would be treated as an institutional reform rather than a narrow technical fix, making it harder to clear both chambers without substantial negotiation, offsets, or modification. Absent accompanying political bargains or additional offsets, the content alone suggests modest odds of enactment.
Relative to its intended legislative type, this bill is a substantive statutory change that is relatively specific in its core mechanism (automatic continuing appropriations with defined percentage rates and timed reductions) and integrates with existing appropriations law through explicit amendments and exceptions. However, it omits several administrative, fiscal, and accountability details typically expected for a wide-ranging change to federal funding processes.
Extent of concern about the 94% baseline and the gradual 1% reductions: liberals worry about service cuts to vulnerable populations, conservatives worry it preserves too much spending and reduces leverage.
Who stands to gain, and who may push back.
These are examples from the analysis, not a ranked list of the most-affected groups.
- Potential burdenReduces Congress's annual appropriations leverage and oversight by automatically continuing funding without the normal…
- Federal agenciesCould impair agency operations, services, and staffing if automatic funding at 94% (and declining thereafter) produces…
- Potential burdenMay prompt legal or constitutional challenges about separation of powers and the scope of automatic appropriations if o…
Why the argument around this bill splits.
Extent of concern about the 94% baseline and the gradual 1% reductions: liberals worry about service cuts to vulnerable populations, conservatives worry it preserves too much spending and reduces leverage.
A mainstream progressive would likely welcome the bill's goal of preventing government shutdowns and the explicit protection for entitlements and SNAP, but be wary that automatic funding at a reduced rate (94% initially, then declining) could meaningfully harm discretionary programs that serve vulnerable populations.
They would see value in avoiding the economic and human-cost disruptions of shutdowns while worrying that the mechanism institutionalizes austerity by ratcheting down funding over time.
They would pay close attention to how 'rate of operations' is interpreted in practice and how the apportionment rule affects program delivery.
A pragmatic centrist would generally view the bill as a constructive procedural fix to avoid economically and politically costly shutdowns while preserving Congress’s appropriations role, but would seek clearer guardrails.
They would appreciate an automatic backstop that provides continuity and gives negotiators more time, and the built-in declining rate creates an incentive to complete appropriations.
However, centrists would be attentive to unintended incentives, the bill’s operational definitions, and possible fiscal effects, and would prefer clarified rules about interactions with other laws and reporting requirements.
A mainstream conservative is likely to have mixed-to-negative views: they will welcome avoiding the political and operational harms of a shutdown and appreciate discipline signals from declining funding, but will be concerned that the bill institutionalizes a near–prior-year baseline (94%) that preserves spending levels and reduces leverage to secure spending reductions or reforms.
They will note protections for entitlements as removing an avenue to address mandatory spending, and worry the mechanism shifts power from appropriations negotiations to an automatic rule.
Some conservatives might support the bill if the starting rate were lower or accompanied by hard spending caps and offsets.
The path through Congress.
Reached or meaningfully advanced
Reached or meaningfully advanced
Still ahead
Still ahead
Still ahead
The bill proposes a significant but administratively-specified reform to avoid shutdowns, an outcome that many lawmakers and constituencies find desirable; its phased reductions and carve-outs increase its practical acceptability. Nevertheless, it alters congressional budget leverage and would be treated as an institutional reform rather than a narrow technical fix, making it harder to clear both chambers without substantial negotiation, offsets, or modification. Absent accompanying political bargains or additional offsets, the content alone suggests modest odds of enactment.
- How legislative leaders and appropriations committees would view statutory removal of lapse leverage and whether they would prefer rule changes or negotiation over a statutory fix.
- Whether CBO or other budget scorers would treat the automatic authority as changing baseline spending in ways that require offsets or trigger pay-as-you-go considerations — the bill text lacks an explicit fiscal estimate or offsets.
Recent votes on the bill.
No vote history yet
The bill has not accumulated any surfaced votes yet.
Go deeper than the headline read.
Extent of concern about the 94% baseline and the gradual 1% reductions: liberals worry about service cuts to vulnerable populations, conser…
The bill proposes a significant but administratively-specified reform to avoid shutdowns, an outcome that many lawmakers and constituencies…
Relative to its intended legislative type, this bill is a substantive statutory change that is relatively specific in its core mechanism (automatic continuing appropriations with defined percentage rates and timed reduc…
Go beyond the headline summary with full stakeholder mapping, legislative design analysis, passage barriers, and lens-by-lens tradeoff breakdowns.