Referred to the Subcommittee on Economic Development, Public Buildings, and Emergency Management.
This bill, titled the Dam Assessment and Mitigation Support Act (DAMS Act), amends the National Dam Safety Program Act. It removes paragraph (4) from section 8(e), adds language to section 8A(f) specifying that a particular priority system shall be used by any State that does not have its own risk-based priority system for identifying high‑hazard potential dams, and updates the authorization of appropriations citation in section 8A(j)(4) to cover 2026 through 2031.
Uncertainty over the effect of striking section 8(e)(4): liberals worry it may remove protections or reporting, conservatives worry it may remove limits on federal authority.
Relative to its intended legislative type, this bill effects targeted statutory amendments to the National Dam Safety Program Act and updates authorization timing, but provides limited operational detail, funding specificity, and oversight provisions.
This bill, titled the Dam Assessment and Mitigation Support Act (DAMS Act), amends the National Dam Safety Program Act.
It removes paragraph (4) from section 8(e), adds language to section 8A(f) specifying that a particular priority system shall be used by any State that does not have its own risk-based priority system for identifying high‑hazard potential dams, and updates the authorization of appropriations citation in section 8A(j)(4) to cover 2026 through 2031.
The text does not specify dollar amounts or detailed program implementation in the bill language provided.
On content alone, this is a narrow, low‑controversy amendment to an existing safety program with modest fiscal implications and built‑in deference to State systems — characteristics associated with relatively high likelihood of enactment. The main barriers are procedural (scheduling, attachment to larger bills) and absence of provided appropriation amounts or CBO scoring in the text.
Relative to its intended legislative type, this bill effects targeted statutory amendments to the National Dam Safety Program Act and updates authorization timing, but provides limited operational detail, funding specificity, and oversight provisions.
Uncertainty over the effect of striking section 8(e)(4): liberals worry it may remove protections or reporting, conservatives worry it may remove limits on federal authority.
These are examples from the analysis, not a ranked list of the most-affected groups.
Uncertainty over the effect of striking section 8(e)(4): liberals worry it may remove protections or reporting, conservatives worry it may remove limits on federal authority.
A mainstream liberal would likely view this bill as a generally positive step to support dam safety and protect communities from dam failures, because it reauthorizes federal assistance and requires use of a risk‑based priority system where states lack one.
They would note the absence of explicit funding levels and be cautious about whether the program will be adequately resourced and whether removal of the struck paragraph (8(e)(4)) eliminates important protections or reporting requirements.
Overall they would be supportive of strengthening risk‑based mitigation planning but want stronger assurances on funding, equity of protection for disadvantaged communities, and environmental safeguards.
A centrist/independent pragmatist would likely see this as a routine, mostly non‑controversial reauthorization and technical fix: it clarifies that states without a state‑developed risk‑based priority system should use the named system, and it extends the authorization window.
They would want clarity on the practical effects of removing section 8(e)(4), on the specific authorization amounts, and on federal‑state roles.
If the bill is fiscally modest and preserves state flexibility while improving safety planning, a centrist would be inclined to support it with modest amendments for clarity or oversight.
A mainstream conservative would generally agree that dam safety is an appropriate government responsibility but would be cautious about expanding federal authority or open‑ended spending.
They might appreciate a program that preserves state primary responsibility while providing a federal default option for states lacking systems, but they would be concerned about the deletion of 8(e)(4) (unclear impact) and would want limits on federal mandates and assurances that any funding is controlled and accountable.
If the bill is primarily technical and does not create large new entitlements or mandates, a conservative might be mildly supportive but vigilant about costs and federal overreach.
Reached or meaningfully advanced
Reached or meaningfully advanced
Still ahead
Still ahead
Still ahead
On content alone, this is a narrow, low‑controversy amendment to an existing safety program with modest fiscal implications and built‑in deference to State systems — characteristics associated with relatively high likelihood of enactment. The main barriers are procedural (scheduling, attachment to larger bills) and absence of provided appropriation amounts or CBO scoring in the text.
The bill has not accumulated any surfaced votes yet.
Uncertainty over the effect of striking section 8(e)(4): liberals worry it may remove protections or reporting, conservatives worry it may…
On content alone, this is a narrow, low‑controversy amendment to an existing safety program with modest fiscal implications and built‑in de…
Relative to its intended legislative type, this bill effects targeted statutory amendments to the National Dam Safety Program Act and updates authorization timing, but provides limited operational detail, funding specif…
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