Referred to the House Committee on Ways and Means.
This bill amends the Internal Revenue Code to disallow use of tax-advantaged health accounts to pay for or reimburse most abortions. HSAs, Archer MSAs, FSAs, HRAs, and certain retiree health accounts would not treat abortion (except limited exceptions) as a qualified medical expense.
Progressives emphasize access and financial burdens; conservatives emphasize stopping tax-subsidized abortions.
Relative to its intended legislative type, this bill is a narrowly focused, well-specified statutory amendment to tax law that removes most abortions from the category of qualified medical expenses for HSAs, MSAs, FSAs, HRAs, and certain retiree health accounts, while carving out explicit exceptions for rape, incest, and physician-certified life‑threatening conditions.
This bill amends the Internal Revenue Code to disallow use of tax-advantaged health accounts to pay for or reimburse most abortions.
HSAs, Archer MSAs, FSAs, HRAs, and certain retiree health accounts would not treat abortion (except limited exceptions) as a qualified medical expense.
Exceptions are limited to pregnancies resulting from rape or incest, or where a physician certifies a life‑endangering physical condition.
Substantively clear but politically contentious; possible in a sympathetic chamber, unlikely to clear both chambers and executive branch without broad consensus.
Relative to its intended legislative type, this bill is a narrowly focused, well-specified statutory amendment to tax law that removes most abortions from the category of qualified medical expenses for HSAs, MSAs, FSAs, HRAs, and certain retiree health accounts, while carving out explicit exceptions for rape, incest, and physician-certified life‑threatening conditions. The drafting precisely identifies the code sections to be amended and specifies effective dates.
Progressives emphasize access and financial burdens; conservatives emphasize stopping tax-subsidized abortions.
These are examples from the analysis, not a ranked list of the most-affected groups.
Progressives emphasize access and financial burdens; conservatives emphasize stopping tax-subsidized abortions.
Likely views the bill as a restriction that makes reproductive health care more costly and reduces practical access.
Sees the exceptions as too narrow and worries about financial burdens for low-income and rural people.
Notes the law targets tax-advantaged payment methods rather than directly banning abortion, but considers the economic impact significant.
Approaches the bill pragmatically, seeing it as a targeted tax-policy change that limits pre-tax funding for most abortions.
Balances respect for restricting tax subsidies with concern about unintended health access consequences and administrative burdens.
Wants clearer definitions and IRS guidance to reduce compliance uncertainty.
Likely views the bill favorably as preventing taxpayer-subsidized abortions through tax-advantaged accounts.
Appreciates the limited exceptions for rape, incest, and life-threatening conditions as politically and morally acceptable carve-outs.
May push for even broader restrictions or faster implementation but generally sees this as a reasonable pro-life tax policy.
Reached or meaningfully advanced
Reached or meaningfully advanced
Still ahead
Still ahead
Still ahead
Substantively clear but politically contentious; possible in a sympathetic chamber, unlikely to clear both chambers and executive branch without broad consensus.
The bill has not accumulated any surfaced votes yet.
Progressives emphasize access and financial burdens; conservatives emphasize stopping tax-subsidized abortions.
Substantively clear but politically contentious; possible in a sympathetic chamber, unlikely to clear both chambers and executive branch wi…
Relative to its intended legislative type, this bill is a narrowly focused, well-specified statutory amendment to tax law that removes most abortions from the category of qualified medical expenses for HSAs, MSAs, FSAs,…
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