Read twice and referred to the Committee on the Judiciary.
The bill adds a new ground of inadmissibility (to entry) and deportability (removal) to the Immigration and Nationality Act. Under the amendment, any noncitizen who is subject to a foreign country’s law that requires them to provide access to, cooperate with, or otherwise support that country’s intelligence‑gathering activities would be inadmissible to the United States and removable if already present.
Scope and vagueness: liberals worry the language is overbroad and sweeps in coerced individuals or refugees, conservatives emphasize enforcement and view breadth as useful.
Relative to its intended legislative type, this bill is a clear and direct substantive change to the Immigration and Nationality Act that adds a new inadmissibility and deportability ground.
The bill adds a new ground of inadmissibility (to entry) and deportability (removal) to the Immigration and Nationality Act.
Under the amendment, any noncitizen who is subject to a foreign country’s law that requires them to provide access to, cooperate with, or otherwise support that country’s intelligence‑gathering activities would be inadmissible to the United States and removable if already present.
The text creates this ground without specifying exceptions, evidentiary standards, or implementation details.
On content alone, the bill is administratively simple and framed around national security — a subject that can attract cross-aisle support — which helps its prospects. However, its vague, broad wording, lack of definitions or safeguards, likely civil liberties and discrimination concerns, and absence of compromise features make it vulnerable to amendment, litigation, or defeat in committee or on the floor, particularly in the Senate. Because it creates new deportability/inadmissibility grounds without accompanying implementation guidance, substantial revision would likely be required before enactment.
Relative to its intended legislative type, this bill is a clear and direct substantive change to the Immigration and Nationality Act that adds a new inadmissibility and deportability ground. The operative amendments are concise and unambiguous in their immediate effect but leave many foundational elements unspecified.
Scope and vagueness: liberals worry the language is overbroad and sweeps in coerced individuals or refugees, conservatives emphasize enforcement and view breadth as useful.
These are examples from the analysis, not a ranked list of the most-affected groups.
Scope and vagueness: liberals worry the language is overbroad and sweeps in coerced individuals or refugees, conservatives emphasize enforcement and view breadth as useful.
A mainstream progressive would recognize the national security purpose but be concerned about the bill’s broad and vague language.
They would worry it could bar or remove people who were compelled by their home country’s laws to cooperate (including refugees, coerced individuals, journalists, dual nationals, or diaspora professionals) and could be applied discriminatorily against nationals of certain countries.
They would also flag risks to asylum seekers, due process, and family unity absent explicit procedural safeguards or humanitarian exceptions.
A pragmatic moderate would acknowledge the legitimate national security rationale for preventing entry or residence of people compelled to assist hostile foreign intelligence services.
At the same time they would flag the bill’s lack of definitions and procedural mechanisms, which could create implementation problems and legal challenges.
They would be inclined to support the underlying goal but want clarifying amendments — narrower language, standards of proof, and clear exceptions for coerced compliance or vulnerable populations.
A mainstream conservative would generally view the bill favorably as a commonsense strengthening of national security controls on immigration.
They would appreciate a bright statutory ground to exclude or remove people who, by the force of foreign law, must assist foreign intelligence services.
They would be less concerned by potential civil‑liberties criticisms and more inclined to prioritize enforcement and expedited removals.
Reached or meaningfully advanced
Reached or meaningfully advanced
Still ahead
Still ahead
Still ahead
On content alone, the bill is administratively simple and framed around national security — a subject that can attract cross-aisle support — which helps its prospects. However, its vague, broad wording, lack of definitions or safeguards, likely civil liberties and discrimination concerns, and absence of compromise features make it vulnerable to amendment, litigation, or defeat in committee or on the floor, particularly in the Senate. Because it creates new deportability/inadmissibility grounds without accompanying implementation guidance, substantial revision would likely be required before enactment.
The bill has not accumulated any surfaced votes yet.
Scope and vagueness: liberals worry the language is overbroad and sweeps in coerced individuals or refugees, conservatives emphasize enforc…
On content alone, the bill is administratively simple and framed around national security — a subject that can attract cross-aisle support…
Relative to its intended legislative type, this bill is a clear and direct substantive change to the Immigration and Nationality Act that adds a new inadmissibility and deportability ground. The operative amendments are…
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